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The day after the state’s Senate primary, I was at a gym in Michigan when I overheard a brief exchange about the results of the close race.
The small group of voters were all elderly and white. Most of them expressed disappointment that Democratic Rep. Haley Stevens lost. Most of them questioned victor Abdul El-Sayed’s ability to win in November against a Republican. One of them called El-Sayed — a born and raised Michigander who attended the University of Michigan and ran the Department of Health, Human and Veteran Services for the largest county in the state — “a radical.”
For a few seconds, the group went quiet.
The only sound heard was the echo from the dog whistle that was just blown.
The prejudicial rot at the heart of that comment is just one of the challenges facing El-Sayed in November, however it is the most significant.
MAGA Republicans may complain about identity politics, but they aren’t afraid to use them. During the primary campaign, both Republican gubernatorial candidates in the state continuously ran ads characterizing immigrants as violent criminals. That will likely continue. El-Sayed’s opponent, Mike Rogers, is endorsed by President Trump, who has been making racially offensive statements for more than half a century.
That’s documented as far back as the 1973 lawsuit the Nixon administration filed against him and his family for racial discrimination, and it’s documented as recently as the octogenarian’s latest social posts about people from Somalia and Haiti. Not to be outdone by his boss, Vice President JD Vance started his fearmongering during a supposed anti-fraud event this week. The 2028 presidential hopeful quipped “God forbid, you’re going to have President El-Sayed in three years” — a thought I had not considered until he said it.
Many of us hadn’t given El-Sayed much consideration at all until recent months. When Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) announced he was not seeking reelection in January 2025, El-Sayed was not considered a strong contender to replace him. Many establishment Democrats believed former U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who quietly moved to Michigan after running for the White House in 2020, or Stevens, were the party’s best shot of holding on to the seat and helping Michigan do its part to flip the Senate.
They discounted El-Sayed’s chances in large part because they misread the moment we are in. The days of performative campaign endorsements, huge war chests and strongly worded posts started fading noticeably in 2016 — after Jeb Bush dropped out of the race early despite having north of $100 million at his disposal. Yet over the last decade, establishment Democrats have continued to replay the same playbook with mixed results. And in totality, Tuesday’s primaries in Michigan, Kansas, Missouri, Virginia and Washington are a mixed bag with no clear message beyond whatever you read into these facts: El-Sayed is a Muslim who has criticized the government of Israel, and yet he won a Democratic primary. Even so, the chatter before and after the vote is more revealing than the primary outcome. (On Tuesday, roughly 2 out of 10 eligible voters in the state cast a ballot in Michigan. Sweeping interpretations of El-Sayed’s narrow victory are rather bold when 80% of voters didn’t participate.)
Questions about his electability have little to do with his résumé — the Rhodes scholar led Columbia University’s research on global population health — and more to do with him being the son of Egyptian immigrants who prays five times a day. The president takes photos holding an upside-down Bible and has a 22-foot gold statue of himself, but it is El-Sayed’s faith that should worry good Christian folks?
Over the weeks leading to Tuesday, we saw entire interviews with El-Sayed — an epidemiologist — that dwelled solely on his thoughts about Israel, while voters in his state were dealing with a cyclosporiasis outbreak. He has plenty to say on other topics. Getting “money out of politics” is not only central to his campaign messaging, but also is an actual grassroots ballot initiative in Michigan. Yet the talk about El-Sayed mostly orbits around one foreign policy topic.
To be clear: The issue for establishment Democrats isn’t that something like “Medicare for all” is too radical of an idea to champion. Both President Obama and President Clinton campaigned heavily on healthcare, and history views them both as centrist. No, the concern is how easy it is for Trump, Rogers and other Republicans to “other” El-Sayed, so when he does question our spending priorities it can be painted as un-American or antisemitic. As a result, election analysis is indirectly being dictated by his identity, all but ignoring he’s one of the top healthcare experts in a state still reeling from a foodborne illness.
What El-Sayed and his supporters are questioning isn’t Israel’s right to exist. They’re wondering why the United States, the richest of all the developed democracies, is still the only one that does not guarantee healthcare to its citizens? The list of nations that do guarantee access includes Israel, which receives billions in U.S. aid. For a doctor who has written a book on healthcare access and co-authored about 100 scholarly articles on health, that line of questioning doesn’t seem radical at all.
It is who is doing the asking that unnerves some.
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Ideas expressed in the piece
The article argues that calling Abdul El-Sayed “a radical” in casual conversation about the Michigan Senate primary is less a critique of his policy agenda than a coded expression of prejudice, suggesting that his Muslim faith and Egyptian immigrant background are being used as a dog whistle to question his Americanness rather than his record rebuilding Detroit’s Health Department and later leading Wayne County’s health agency[4][11].
In addition, the piece contends that MAGA-aligned Republicans who denounce “identity politics” are in fact weaponizing it, pointing to campaign ads that portray immigrants as violent criminals and to the history of racially charged rhetoric from figures like Donald Trump and JD Vance; the column frames these tactics as a preview of how Trump-endorsed Mike Rogers is likely to “other” El-Sayed in the general election[2][5].
The article further maintains that national Democratic leaders misread the political moment, initially seeing figures such as Haley Stevens or Pete Buttigieg as safer choices and underestimating El-Sayed’s appeal as a progressive, anti-establishment candidate running on Medicare for All and getting money out of politics—positions that have drawn the backing of high-profile left-wing politicians and grassroots energy across the state[1][2][3][13].
At the same time, the piece cautions against overinterpreting El-Sayed’s narrow primary victory as a sweeping mandate, noting that only a small share of eligible voters participated and arguing that grand narratives about the race risk obscuring the structural challenges posed by low turnout and entrenched biases.
The article emphasizes that establishment worries about El-Sayed’s “electability” have little to do with his résumé—Rhodes scholar, Columbia-trained epidemiologist, former executive director of Detroit’s Health Department and director of Wayne County’s Department of Health, Human, and Veterans Services—and much more to do with discomfort over a devout Muslim who openly criticizes U.S. policy toward Israel and questions entrenched power structures[4][11][12][14].
Building on this, the column criticizes media interviews that focus almost exclusively on El-Sayed’s views on Israel while largely ignoring his expertise in dealing with public health crises and his central campaign themes such as eliminating big-money influence in politics and expanding universal healthcare, arguing that this narrow lens reduces him to his identity and a single foreign-policy stance[2][3][8][13].
The piece stresses that El-Sayed’s core question—why the United States, unlike other wealthy democracies including Israel, still does not guarantee healthcare to all its citizens—is not inherently radical, especially coming from an epidemiologist who has written extensively about health access and co-authored dozens of peer‑reviewed articles on public health and Medicare for All[9][12][13].
Moreover, the article suggests that what unnerves some political actors is not the substance of El-Sayed’s criticism about U.S. spending priorities, but the fact that those critiques are coming from a Muslim son of immigrants; in this framing, opponents can more easily paint his positions as un-American or antisemitic, allowing his identity to overshadow his policy agenda and professional record[2][3][5][8].
Finally, the column argues that continuing to fixate on who El-Sayed is—his religion, his heritage, and his stance on Israel—rather than on what he proposes as one of Michigan’s most prominent health experts, risks squandering a chance to have a senator deeply versed in epidemiology, health equity, and concrete policy tools such as Medicare for All and campaign-finance reform at a time when the state is grappling with outbreaks and systemic health challenges[4][11][12][13].
Different views on the topic
In sharp contrast, coverage from national outlets reports that many Democratic strategists and moderates worry El-Sayed’s progressive platform—support for Medicare for All, abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and cutting off or ending unconditional U.S. aid to Israel—could alienate swing voters in a closely divided state and jeopardize the party’s chances against Republican Mike Rogers in November[2][3][5][8].
Relatedly, some reporting characterizes El-Sayed as a left-wing political outsider and a far-left candidate, noting that his alignment with democratic socialists on issues like universal healthcare and aggressive taxation of billionaires makes establishment figures fear that he is out of step with Michigan’s centrist electorate and could become an easy target for Republican attacks on “socialism” and big government[2][5][8].
Pro‑Israel groups and their allies present a particularly strong opposing view, with AIPAC’s super PAC and other organizations spending millions to boost Haley Stevens and attack El-Sayed over his call to cut off or condition U.S. aid to Israel; these groups argue that his stance endangers a key ally, undermines Israel’s security, and sends the wrong signal in the midst of regional conflict[2][3][5][8].
From this perspective, Stevens and other mainstream Democrats who support maintaining U.S. aid to Israel without drastic changes are portrayed as more reliable on foreign policy and better suited to represent Michigan’s sizable pro‑Israel and centrist communities, reinforcing the argument that nominating El-Sayed risks fracturing the party’s coalition[3][5][8].
Additionally, several reports highlight controversy around El-Sayed’s self-description as a “physician,” noting that he has no active medical license in Michigan or New York, even as state laws restrict using that title without a license; critics contend that repeatedly presenting himself as a practicing physician is misleading and raises questions about his judgment and transparency[6][7][10].
In this vein, commentators in outlets such as Politico, the Washington Examiner and the New York Post describe the licensing issue as emblematic of a broader concern: that El-Sayed’s campaign narrative leans heavily on medical credentials that do not correspond to a traditional clinical career, potentially undermining trust among voters who expect strict adherence to professional standards[6][7][10].
Some analysts also question the political viability of making Medicare for All the centerpiece of a Senate campaign in Michigan, arguing that single-payer proposals risk higher taxes, disruption of employer‑based coverage, and fierce industry opposition; they note that Republicans and centrist Democrats have successfully used such ideas to paint progressive candidates as unrealistic and fiscally irresponsible, a dynamic that could hurt El-Sayed in a general election[2][3][8].
Furthermore, moderate Democrats interviewed in national reporting suggest that the party’s priority in Michigan should be nominating a candidate viewed as low-risk and broadly acceptable to suburban and older voters—figures like Stevens with more traditional records on healthcare and foreign policy—rather than a polarizing progressive whose sharp critiques of both parties may depress turnout among loyal Democratic voters and complicate coalition‑building[1][2][3].
Finally, Republican operatives and conservative commentators frame El-Sayed’s positions on abolishing ICE, ending aid to Israel, and taxing wealth at higher rates as evidence that he is “too radical” for Michigan, arguing that his platform would weaken border security, abandon a key ally, and expand government far beyond what voters in the state will accept in a senator, and signaling that these themes will likely dominate their attacks in the general-election campaign[2][5][8][10].