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America is exceptionally good at sending members of its military into harm’s way. We are far less good at managing what happens when those men and women come home.
I recently toured the Vista Detention Facility north of San Diego and saw this problem firsthand. Although the facility’s staff is doing commendable work, the fact that so many veterans are there in the first place shows how our efforts are falling short.
Frankly, it broke my heart.
Every year, roughly 200,000 service members leave our armed forces and begin the sometimes rocky transition to civilian life. Most succeed. They raise families, build businesses, become teachers and police officers, coach Little League and serve their communities in other ways. But some struggle, and more than a few end up in places like Vista, or worse.
When this happens, our first instinct is to ask: What did this veteran do wrong? We should be asking the harder question too: Are we doing enough to prevent those who served from becoming entangled in the criminal justice system?
The answer, unfortunately, is no.
The nonpartisan Council on Criminal Justice Veterans Justice Commission, which I direct, has documented a troubling connection between military separation practices, unmet needs and veterans’ subsequent involvement in the justice system. Tens of thousands of veterans are currently incarcerated, and roughly one-third of veterans report having been arrested and booked into jail at some point in their lives.
These statistics do not mean that military service causes criminal behavior. They do mean that we need to look harder — and earlier — at what happens to service members before they turn in their uniforms and become veterans.
One factor that merits concern is the dramatic growth of “bad paper,” shorthand for other-than-honorable discharges. The percentage of service members receiving such discharges has increased a whopping fivefold since World War II. But here’s the bigger news: While other-than-honorable discharges constitute approximately 6% of all discharges, they make up 18% of the discharges held by incarcerated veterans.
Commanders have a responsibility to maintain order and readiness among their troops. When a service member repeatedly misbehaves, abuses drugs or alcohol or fails to meet standards, commanders must act.
But they face a dilemma. The easiest way to remove a troubled service member from service is often a “bad paper” administrative discharge. The harder choice is to determine why the behavior is occurring, and whether targeted, evidence-based intervention might change it.
Is there combat-related PTSD? An undiagnosed brain injury? Military sexual trauma? Another treatable condition? Too often, in our haste to purge the troublemaker and get back to business, these possibilities are not even considered.
In short, although the military has become very good at identifying and managing risk on the battlefield, its leaders need to be equally committed to identifying risk in our own ranks.
Our failure to do so triggers life-altering consequences. Veterans with other-than-honorable discharges can face significant barriers to Veterans Affairs services, including the very treatment they need to address what caused them to misbehave in the first place. That gap in care can turn a difficult exit from the military into a downward spiral. Veterans are more likely to experience homelessness and a range of behavioral and mental health challenges. For some, an encounter with the criminal justice system comes next.
To short-circuit this cycle, the Pentagon should equip commanders with evidence-based tools to distinguish between a service member who simply refuses to meet standards and one whose misconduct may be linked to trauma experienced in the service.
Yes, sometimes separation will be necessary, but our society shouldn’t treat human beings as defective parts that should simply be axed from the inventory. That is effectively what today’s system forces commanders to do. By making administrative discharge the default because rehabilitation is difficult, the Pentagon is often transferring the problem from the military to individual veterans, their families and, ultimately, the community.
The Veterans Justice Commission has offered practical recommendations to help: better assessment of service members involved in military justice, evidence-based interventions when appropriate, greater use of rehabilitation and retention options, and reforms to ensure all veterans not discharged under dishonorable conditions have access to VA care
The Pentagon and the Department of Veterans Affairs should act on these proposals. This isn’t about being soft on misconduct; it’s about being smart. It’s about preventing early warning signs from morphing into criminal behavior, when effective intervention might have prevented it.
We recruited these men and women. We spent thousands of dollars to train them. In some cases, we made them vulnerable to harm and exposed them to things other Americans will never face — and would find unimaginable.
When their service ends, our responsibility for them does not. We must not abandon them when they struggle, and we must do whatever we can to ensure the veteran we thank on the street today does not become the offender we incarcerate tomorrow.
Let’s be better for those who volunteered to defend our freedom. It benefits all of us, and we have a moral obligation to do so.
Retired Brig. Gen. David “Mac” MacEwen is director of the Council on Criminal Justice Veterans Justice Commission.
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Ideas expressed in the piece
The article argues that the United States is highly effective at deploying service members into conflict but comparatively ineffective at supporting them through the transition back to civilian life, a failure that becomes visible in county jails and prisons where significant numbers of veterans are incarcerated.
It emphasizes that although most of the roughly 200,000 people leaving the armed forces each year transition successfully, a substantial minority struggle with mental health, substance use, housing instability and other challenges, and some ultimately become involved in the criminal justice system.
The piece contends that public discussion too often focuses solely on what an individual veteran “did wrong,” instead of asking whether the military, the Department of Veterans Affairs and the broader community did enough upstream to prevent justice involvement in the first place.
The article highlights research by the Council on Criminal Justice Veterans Justice Commission documenting links between separation practices, unmet health and social needs, and later arrests and incarceration among veterans, including findings that roughly one-third of veterans report having been arrested and booked at least once and that tens of thousands are currently behind bars.[1][2][3]
It raises particular alarm about the rise of “bad paper” discharges, noting that the share of service members receiving other‑than‑honorable discharges has grown dramatically since World War II and that this group is heavily overrepresented among incarcerated veterans, despite making up a small minority of total discharges.
The piece argues that commanders face a structural incentive to remove “problem” troops quickly via administrative discharge rather than probe whether repeated misconduct stems from combat‑related PTSD, traumatic brain injury, military sexual trauma or other treatable conditions, and that this tendency effectively shifts complex clinical and social problems onto families, communities and local jails.
It underscores that other‑than‑honorable discharges can severely restrict access to VA healthcare and benefits, including the very treatments that might address underlying trauma or addiction, thereby increasing the risk of homelessness, worsening behavioral health and eventual criminal justice involvement.[1][2][3]
The article endorses the Veterans Justice Commission’s recommendations that the Pentagon integrate evidence‑based practices into the management of performance problems, use structured risk‑needs assessments to identify at‑risk service members, and rely more on rehabilitative and retention options rather than defaulting to administrative separation.[4][5][6][9][14]
It further supports proposals to expand VA eligibility for veterans not discharged dishonorably, improve transition services, and create more consistent alternatives to prosecution and incarceration for justice‑involved veterans, such as diversion programs that connect participants to treatment while still requiring accountability for their conduct.[4][5][6][9][10][14]
Throughout, the piece insists that these reforms are not about being “soft” on misconduct but about being “smart” on prevention and public safety, stressing a moral obligation to those deliberately placed in harm’s way and arguing that society must intervene earlier so that the veteran thanked at a parade does not later become the person encountered in a cell.
Different views on the topic
Some criminologists and justice researchers point out that, in aggregate, veterans are not dramatically more likely to be incarcerated than nonveterans and in some periods have had slightly lower incarceration rates, noting that veterans accounted for about 8% of state and federal prisoners in 2011–12 and in 2016, a share close to or below their representation in the adult population.[7][8][11] From this vantage point, the data complicate claims that the criminal justice system is broadly failing veterans as a distinct class and suggest that many of the drivers of veteran incarceration mirror those affecting civilians, such as poverty, substance use and trauma.[1][8]
Government statistics referenced by the Bureau of Justice Statistics and academic researchers show that the majority of incarcerated veterans received honorable or general discharges under honorable conditions, with estimates of 74% to 77% in state and federal prisons.[11][12] Analysts who stress this point argue that while other‑than‑honorable discharges are a serious concern, focusing reform primarily on “bad paper” risks overlooking the much larger group of justice‑involved veterans whose military records do not bar them from VA care, and whose pathways into the justice system involve broader health, housing and economic issues.[2][8][12]
Studies of offense patterns indicate that a large share of incarcerated veterans are serving sentences for serious violent crimes, including violent sexual offenses, at higher rates than nonveteran prisoners in some categories.[11][12] Prosecutors, some lawmakers and victim‑advocacy voices therefore caution against expansive diversion or special treatment that might reduce accountability for serious violent offenses, contending that any veteran‑specific program must preserve public safety and proportional punishment even while addressing service‑related needs.[8][10][11]
Sentencing data compiled by the U.S. Sentencing Commission show that federal offenders with prior military service receive imprisonment slightly less often than other citizen offenders and serve similar average sentence lengths, which the report notes as evidence that courts already consider military service as a mitigating factor in some cases.[13] Legal scholars who highlight these findings question whether additional formal preferences for veterans at sentencing or in diversion programs could create an uneven playing field for nonveteran defendants with comparable backgrounds and needs.[8][13]
Commentators focused on military readiness emphasize that commanders must retain the ability to separate service members swiftly to maintain unit cohesion and combat effectiveness, especially when misconduct is repeated or endangers others.[1][6][9] From this perspective, proposals that significantly raise the threshold for administrative discharge or channel a wide range of misconduct cases into lengthy rehabilitative processes risk undermining commanders’ authority and burdening units with personnel who may not be fit for deployment.
Some policy analysts and budget watchdogs note that justice‑involved veterans constitute a small fraction of the overall veteran population—on the order of 1%—and argue that scarce resources for mental health, housing and reentry should be deployed primarily on the basis of need and risk rather than prior service status.[2][3][8] In this view, expanding veteran‑specific courts, housing preferences or benefit eligibility too far could divert funding and attention from nonveteran populations facing equal or greater levels of trauma, homelessness and justice involvement.